Apologies for the repost! Only saw it today. My phone's browser went awry at the time. Anyways Happy New Year!
Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
- Thread starter Hrvatskiwi
- Start date
-
- Tags
- cold war
Chapter 30: Leopards and Lions - Central and Southern Africa (1960s) (Part 1)
For information on Southern Africa in the 1950s: https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ternative-cold-war.280530/page-4#post-8632903
===
Leopards and Lions: Southern and Central Africa (pt.1)
In Southern and Central Africa, the battle lines were drawn between the forces of anti-colonialism and it's strident opponents. The vanguard of the opposition against decolonisation was fully formed during the 1960s, which saw the marriage of white minority political elites and Western business interests aimed at the continued economic and social marginalisation of Black Africans.
South African foreign policy became increasingly representative of the interests of the Afrikaner minority following the success of the 1960 Republic Referendum, where South African Whites narrowly voted for the abolition of the monarchy (52%). Significantly, the decision to become a republic and leave the Commonwealth led to controversy over the position of the British High Commissioner to South Africa (BHCSA). The South Africans used the transfer of the Crown's powers to the republic to excuse the occupation of Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland. These territories were legally under the jurisdiction of the BHCSA, who served as representative of the British government in the protectorates. South Africa argued on the international stage that the BHCSA's authority over both British affairs in the Dominion of South Africa and the protectorates subordinated the protectorates directly to the Dominion and only indirectly to Britain. The majority of international opinion was strongly against South Africa, which was condemned in the United Nations.[105]
The British response to South Africa's annexations was somewhat lacking. Whilst Britain remained a significantly more powerful military force than South Africa, the projected costs of full-scale military action were considered far too large to justify intervention. Further, there was still some within the British establishment that saw South Africa as a potential bulwark against Communist-sympathising anti-colonial African regimes. These hopes were dashed by South Africa's establishment of itself as the lone regional power in the southern part of the Dark Continent. The Afrikaners, who dominated the government, were as reliably anti-British as they were anti-Communist. The Great Trek and Boer Wars still resonated strongly in the historical memory of the Afrikaners. The combination of staunch political conservatism and strident Anglophobia made apartheid South Africa a country notable for it's relative international isolation, exacerbated by a low rate of immigration into the country. The Afrikaners ensured that there was minimal immigration, especially white immigration, concerned that newer migrants would politically orient themselves with the English-speaking Whites in South Africa.
South Africa mounted military campaigns in Katanga during the 1960s, indirectly supporting the Katangan security forces. South African and Rhodesian regular military forces were often inserted into battle zones in the region, disguised as mercenaries. The South African forces were often the most effective troops fielded by the separatists. They were also commonly to be found defending key mining interests from bandits and combatants. Experience in the Katangan campaign would later manifest itself in later campaigns in Mozambique, Angola and elsewhere.
Mercenaries in Katanga
===
[105] These occupations did not happen IOTL, but I figured there was some kernel of an argument for the South Africans, even if it is in defiance of the actual workings of international law. I also figured it was an effective way to further push apart the South Africans and the West, as well as strengthening the power of the South African Defence Force in domestic decision-making.
===
Leopards and Lions: Southern and Central Africa (pt.1)
In Southern and Central Africa, the battle lines were drawn between the forces of anti-colonialism and it's strident opponents. The vanguard of the opposition against decolonisation was fully formed during the 1960s, which saw the marriage of white minority political elites and Western business interests aimed at the continued economic and social marginalisation of Black Africans.
South African foreign policy became increasingly representative of the interests of the Afrikaner minority following the success of the 1960 Republic Referendum, where South African Whites narrowly voted for the abolition of the monarchy (52%). Significantly, the decision to become a republic and leave the Commonwealth led to controversy over the position of the British High Commissioner to South Africa (BHCSA). The South Africans used the transfer of the Crown's powers to the republic to excuse the occupation of Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland. These territories were legally under the jurisdiction of the BHCSA, who served as representative of the British government in the protectorates. South Africa argued on the international stage that the BHCSA's authority over both British affairs in the Dominion of South Africa and the protectorates subordinated the protectorates directly to the Dominion and only indirectly to Britain. The majority of international opinion was strongly against South Africa, which was condemned in the United Nations.[105]
The British response to South Africa's annexations was somewhat lacking. Whilst Britain remained a significantly more powerful military force than South Africa, the projected costs of full-scale military action were considered far too large to justify intervention. Further, there was still some within the British establishment that saw South Africa as a potential bulwark against Communist-sympathising anti-colonial African regimes. These hopes were dashed by South Africa's establishment of itself as the lone regional power in the southern part of the Dark Continent. The Afrikaners, who dominated the government, were as reliably anti-British as they were anti-Communist. The Great Trek and Boer Wars still resonated strongly in the historical memory of the Afrikaners. The combination of staunch political conservatism and strident Anglophobia made apartheid South Africa a country notable for it's relative international isolation, exacerbated by a low rate of immigration into the country. The Afrikaners ensured that there was minimal immigration, especially white immigration, concerned that newer migrants would politically orient themselves with the English-speaking Whites in South Africa.
South Africa mounted military campaigns in Katanga during the 1960s, indirectly supporting the Katangan security forces. South African and Rhodesian regular military forces were often inserted into battle zones in the region, disguised as mercenaries. The South African forces were often the most effective troops fielded by the separatists. They were also commonly to be found defending key mining interests from bandits and combatants. Experience in the Katangan campaign would later manifest itself in later campaigns in Mozambique, Angola and elsewhere.
Mercenaries in Katanga
===
[105] These occupations did not happen IOTL, but I figured there was some kernel of an argument for the South Africans, even if it is in defiance of the actual workings of international law. I also figured it was an effective way to further push apart the South Africans and the West, as well as strengthening the power of the South African Defence Force in domestic decision-making.
Last edited:
Chapter 31: Leopards and Lions - Southern and Central Africa (1960s) (Part 2)
Leopards and Lions: Southern and Central Africa (pt.2 - The Congo Crisis)
The 1960s was a fateful year for Africa in general, and the Congo in particular. After seven years of United Nations administration (following the dissolution of Belgium), Congo was granted independence.
In the run-up to independence, many of the middle-class evolues amongst the native Congolese populations began to mobilise politically. The largest political organisation was the Mouvement National Congolais (Congolese National Movement) led by Patrice Lumumba. The MNC's main rival was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) which represented the significant Bakongo ethnic group and was led by Joseph Kasa-Vubu. In the southeast of the country, the Conferedation des Associates Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) was the largest party and was built around a federalist focus, with it's primary objective political autonomy for the rich Katanga province. A number of smaller parties also emerged, including the socialist Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) and the Alliance des Bayanzi (ABAZI).
As Congo shuttled towards independence, the MNC became increasingly polarised between the evolues and the more radical mass membership. This internal schism facilitated a split in the party, with some radicals forming a new party, the MNC-K, which was led by Albert Kalonji and Joseph Ileo in July 1959. The MNC-K had most of it's support near the city of Elisabethville and amongst the Luba ethnic group. Despite the split, the MNC won the May 1960 elections which determined the leadership of the independent Congo on the 30 June.
Although the United Nations administration of the country had ensured a significant increase in the number of Africans represented in important positions in public life, the Force Publique, the military of the Congo, was kept relatively un-shaken. In the eyes of the United Nations, internal stability was paramount and the army was the single political force capable of undoing their efforts. Lieutenant-General Emile Janssens, the commander of the Force Publique, refused to see independence as marking a significant change in the function and nature of the military. In a speech to black officers, he wrote on a blackboard the words "before independence = after independence", angering career officers that expected pay-rises and promotions. A number of mutinies occurred, some of which were personally dissolved by Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu, who talked to groups of mutineers and convinced them to put down their arms. Lumumba dismissed Janssens and promoted all black soldiers by at least one rank. Victor Lundula was promoted directly from Sergeant-Major to Major-General and head of the army, replacing Janssens. Joseph-Desire Mobutu became Army Chief-of-Staff.
Despite these actions, continued mutinies and unrest posed a threat to the safety of European communities throughout urban areas in the Congo. As a response, French paratroopers were deployed to the Congo to protect fleeing white civilians [106]. Whilst Kasa-Vubu was accepting of the operation, Lumumba was not, particularly enraged by the use of French paratroopers who had been engaged in fighting in Algeria. In a public speech, Lumumba characterised them as the "reactionary vanguard" and "attack dogs of the imperialist". In September 1960, as French and Congolese forces clashed in the cities, Moise Tshombe, leader of CONAKAT, announced the unilateral secession of the State of Katanga from Congo-Leopoldville. Tshombe was supported by the Union Miniere Haut-Katanga (UMHK), a major Belgian-French mining company. The UMHK feared the Lumumba government, wary of the potential nationalisation of their assets.
Shortly after, the MNC-K declared an independent state in the diamond-rich region of South Kasai, ostensibly as a response to MNC persecution of the Luba people. Albert Kalonji became the president of the small state, centred in Bakwanga and supported by another mining company, Forminiere. As a response to the increasing violence in the Congo, the United Nations deployed peacekeeping forces to the country. Although initially enthused at the arrival of peacekeepers, Lumumba was disappointed when it became clear that the United Nations contingent would not cooperate with the Armee National Congolaise (ANC) in campaigns against the secessionists. In order to compensate for this, Lumumba instead turned to the USSR, who provided logistical and material support, as well as providing a thousand military advisors to the Congolese.
Lumumba's courting of the Soviets was controversial even amongst his own government. Politicians such as Kasa-Vubu (and even some within the MNC) were concerned that close ties with the Soviet Union would lead to a knee-jerk reaction from the Western powers, whose power-projection was more potent in the region. They were right. It confirmed in Western eyes the suspicion that Lumumba was a radical that could not be trusted to leave business interests unmolested. French, South African, Rhodesian and American support for the breakaway regimes intensified. In April 1961, the ANC mounted a major offensive against South Kasai, overrunning much of the countryside of the region. Unfortunately, however, the ANC forces became involved with internecine conflict between the Luba and Bena Lulua ethnic groups in the province, massacring 3,000 Luba civilians.
Utilising the massacre as a pretext, Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu attempted a coup against Lumumba's government, but it was quickly suppressed due to intelligence provided by the Soviets and acquired from a KGB mole in the CIA [107]. The coup attempt led Lumumba to become increasingly wary of other political forces and of rogue military officers. He reshuffled the chiefs of staff to ensure loyalty (even at the expense of some competence), and put Kasa-Vubu under house arrest, as not to outrage the Bakongo people.
Low-level fighting continued through 1961, although the coup in France marked a significant shift in the fighting. With the ongoing (and expensive) guerrilla fighting in Algeria, the generals' government in France sought to secure South Kasai and Katanga as reliable client states, ensuring access to valuable resources including diamonds, copper and uranium. Whilst the bulk of France's fighting forces were still engaged in Algeria, not-insignificant paratroop forces were sent to South Kasai and Katanga, whilst the latter also saw an influx of white mercenaries and expeditionary forces from Rhodesia-Nyasaland and South Africa, which had become increasingly close to France. Although the ANC still maintained a significant numerical edge over the secessionists, man-for-man the Katangan forces were better endowed with firepower, slowing down the advance of the ANC. Despite this seeming advantage, it was largely thrown away by Tshombe, who needlessly antagonised UN peacekeeping forces. Although the ONUC contingent was unable to take sides, they did have a mandate to arrest mercenaries, all of whom were employed by Katanga and South Kasai.
The tensions between ONUC and Katanga intensified into violence when a combined force of Katangese and white mercenaries attacked Indian peacekeepers marching to Elisabethville to apprehend mercenaries. This was followed up by attacks on an Ethiopian base at Kabalo in North Katanga. After a number of incidents between ONUC and Katanga, the two sides agreed to cease hostilities. Nevertheless, by September, ONUC engaged in two major operations to arrest mercenaries in Katanga and foreign policemen. Whilst successful operations, they garnered resentment from white Katangese, who felt they were being 'thrown to the dogs' by the UN. In 1963, after the Katangese government uncovered a plot by detachments within ONUC to overthrow the government, relations reached an all-time low. In February 1964, the UN forces decided to act decisively to end the Katangese secession. Although their offensive stalled due to the inadequacy of their equipment (as opposed to Katangese forces that were often equipped with state of the art weaponry of French, Belgian and British origin), the Katangese lines faltered with the intervention of the regular Congolese army, which had been beefed-up with Soviet assistance. Tshombe was convicted of high treason and sentenced to death. South Kasai had been defeated some months earlier, although the comparatively low-intensity of fighting led to a conditional surrender there, with Kalonji receiving house arrest and amnesty extended to native Kasai soldiers.
With the Congo unified once again under Lumumba, he continued to attempt to centralise the power of the Congolese government whilst treading carefully to avoid excessively antagonising federalist parties. Despite this, he had a strong mandate from a parliament dominated by the MNC and it's allies such as the PSA. He invested significant sums of Soviet aid in infrastructure, particularly in the extension of railway lines into the provinces.
In neighbouring Congo-Brazzaville, which received independence from France in August 1960, Fulbert Youlou ruled as President until ousted by a coup in 1963, initiated by the military, with support from labour interests. Alphonse Massamba-Debat succeeded Youlou, and was instrumental in establishing positive relationships with the Soviet Union, Korea, China and Congo-Leopoldville. Massamba-Debat promoted a strategy of 'scientific socialism'. Massamba-Debat sought to solidify his rule through the creation of popular militia units, sparking a failed coup attempt by junior officers. Nevertheless, he was overthrown in 1968 by more radical leftists in his government. These leftists, strongly internationalist in ideology, invited the annexation of their country to Congo-Leopoldville and held demonstrations in admiration of Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba and his parliament agreed, placing Congo-Brazzaville under a provisional government to oversee the territory's integration into the rest of the country. The annexation also provided a strong boost to Lumumba's political power, appeasing ABAKO by reintegrating a large Bakongo population into the country, as well as being to the delight of the PSA, who now had access to a large source of support in the Congo-Brazzaville labour movement.[108]
===
[106] Readers may recall that earlier in this TL, Belgium dissolved over the 'Royal Question'. Wallonia became part of France, and Belgian mining interests therefore become French mining interests.
[107] This is a major divergence from OTL, in that it prevent Mobutu from coming to power.
[108] Obviously this annexation never took place. IOTL by the time Congo-Brazzaville went red, Congo-Leopoldville had become Zaire under Mobutu.
The 1960s was a fateful year for Africa in general, and the Congo in particular. After seven years of United Nations administration (following the dissolution of Belgium), Congo was granted independence.
In the run-up to independence, many of the middle-class evolues amongst the native Congolese populations began to mobilise politically. The largest political organisation was the Mouvement National Congolais (Congolese National Movement) led by Patrice Lumumba. The MNC's main rival was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) which represented the significant Bakongo ethnic group and was led by Joseph Kasa-Vubu. In the southeast of the country, the Conferedation des Associates Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) was the largest party and was built around a federalist focus, with it's primary objective political autonomy for the rich Katanga province. A number of smaller parties also emerged, including the socialist Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) and the Alliance des Bayanzi (ABAZI).
As Congo shuttled towards independence, the MNC became increasingly polarised between the evolues and the more radical mass membership. This internal schism facilitated a split in the party, with some radicals forming a new party, the MNC-K, which was led by Albert Kalonji and Joseph Ileo in July 1959. The MNC-K had most of it's support near the city of Elisabethville and amongst the Luba ethnic group. Despite the split, the MNC won the May 1960 elections which determined the leadership of the independent Congo on the 30 June.
Although the United Nations administration of the country had ensured a significant increase in the number of Africans represented in important positions in public life, the Force Publique, the military of the Congo, was kept relatively un-shaken. In the eyes of the United Nations, internal stability was paramount and the army was the single political force capable of undoing their efforts. Lieutenant-General Emile Janssens, the commander of the Force Publique, refused to see independence as marking a significant change in the function and nature of the military. In a speech to black officers, he wrote on a blackboard the words "before independence = after independence", angering career officers that expected pay-rises and promotions. A number of mutinies occurred, some of which were personally dissolved by Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu, who talked to groups of mutineers and convinced them to put down their arms. Lumumba dismissed Janssens and promoted all black soldiers by at least one rank. Victor Lundula was promoted directly from Sergeant-Major to Major-General and head of the army, replacing Janssens. Joseph-Desire Mobutu became Army Chief-of-Staff.
Despite these actions, continued mutinies and unrest posed a threat to the safety of European communities throughout urban areas in the Congo. As a response, French paratroopers were deployed to the Congo to protect fleeing white civilians [106]. Whilst Kasa-Vubu was accepting of the operation, Lumumba was not, particularly enraged by the use of French paratroopers who had been engaged in fighting in Algeria. In a public speech, Lumumba characterised them as the "reactionary vanguard" and "attack dogs of the imperialist". In September 1960, as French and Congolese forces clashed in the cities, Moise Tshombe, leader of CONAKAT, announced the unilateral secession of the State of Katanga from Congo-Leopoldville. Tshombe was supported by the Union Miniere Haut-Katanga (UMHK), a major Belgian-French mining company. The UMHK feared the Lumumba government, wary of the potential nationalisation of their assets.
Shortly after, the MNC-K declared an independent state in the diamond-rich region of South Kasai, ostensibly as a response to MNC persecution of the Luba people. Albert Kalonji became the president of the small state, centred in Bakwanga and supported by another mining company, Forminiere. As a response to the increasing violence in the Congo, the United Nations deployed peacekeeping forces to the country. Although initially enthused at the arrival of peacekeepers, Lumumba was disappointed when it became clear that the United Nations contingent would not cooperate with the Armee National Congolaise (ANC) in campaigns against the secessionists. In order to compensate for this, Lumumba instead turned to the USSR, who provided logistical and material support, as well as providing a thousand military advisors to the Congolese.
Lumumba's courting of the Soviets was controversial even amongst his own government. Politicians such as Kasa-Vubu (and even some within the MNC) were concerned that close ties with the Soviet Union would lead to a knee-jerk reaction from the Western powers, whose power-projection was more potent in the region. They were right. It confirmed in Western eyes the suspicion that Lumumba was a radical that could not be trusted to leave business interests unmolested. French, South African, Rhodesian and American support for the breakaway regimes intensified. In April 1961, the ANC mounted a major offensive against South Kasai, overrunning much of the countryside of the region. Unfortunately, however, the ANC forces became involved with internecine conflict between the Luba and Bena Lulua ethnic groups in the province, massacring 3,000 Luba civilians.
Utilising the massacre as a pretext, Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu attempted a coup against Lumumba's government, but it was quickly suppressed due to intelligence provided by the Soviets and acquired from a KGB mole in the CIA [107]. The coup attempt led Lumumba to become increasingly wary of other political forces and of rogue military officers. He reshuffled the chiefs of staff to ensure loyalty (even at the expense of some competence), and put Kasa-Vubu under house arrest, as not to outrage the Bakongo people.
Low-level fighting continued through 1961, although the coup in France marked a significant shift in the fighting. With the ongoing (and expensive) guerrilla fighting in Algeria, the generals' government in France sought to secure South Kasai and Katanga as reliable client states, ensuring access to valuable resources including diamonds, copper and uranium. Whilst the bulk of France's fighting forces were still engaged in Algeria, not-insignificant paratroop forces were sent to South Kasai and Katanga, whilst the latter also saw an influx of white mercenaries and expeditionary forces from Rhodesia-Nyasaland and South Africa, which had become increasingly close to France. Although the ANC still maintained a significant numerical edge over the secessionists, man-for-man the Katangan forces were better endowed with firepower, slowing down the advance of the ANC. Despite this seeming advantage, it was largely thrown away by Tshombe, who needlessly antagonised UN peacekeeping forces. Although the ONUC contingent was unable to take sides, they did have a mandate to arrest mercenaries, all of whom were employed by Katanga and South Kasai.
The tensions between ONUC and Katanga intensified into violence when a combined force of Katangese and white mercenaries attacked Indian peacekeepers marching to Elisabethville to apprehend mercenaries. This was followed up by attacks on an Ethiopian base at Kabalo in North Katanga. After a number of incidents between ONUC and Katanga, the two sides agreed to cease hostilities. Nevertheless, by September, ONUC engaged in two major operations to arrest mercenaries in Katanga and foreign policemen. Whilst successful operations, they garnered resentment from white Katangese, who felt they were being 'thrown to the dogs' by the UN. In 1963, after the Katangese government uncovered a plot by detachments within ONUC to overthrow the government, relations reached an all-time low. In February 1964, the UN forces decided to act decisively to end the Katangese secession. Although their offensive stalled due to the inadequacy of their equipment (as opposed to Katangese forces that were often equipped with state of the art weaponry of French, Belgian and British origin), the Katangese lines faltered with the intervention of the regular Congolese army, which had been beefed-up with Soviet assistance. Tshombe was convicted of high treason and sentenced to death. South Kasai had been defeated some months earlier, although the comparatively low-intensity of fighting led to a conditional surrender there, with Kalonji receiving house arrest and amnesty extended to native Kasai soldiers.
With the Congo unified once again under Lumumba, he continued to attempt to centralise the power of the Congolese government whilst treading carefully to avoid excessively antagonising federalist parties. Despite this, he had a strong mandate from a parliament dominated by the MNC and it's allies such as the PSA. He invested significant sums of Soviet aid in infrastructure, particularly in the extension of railway lines into the provinces.
In neighbouring Congo-Brazzaville, which received independence from France in August 1960, Fulbert Youlou ruled as President until ousted by a coup in 1963, initiated by the military, with support from labour interests. Alphonse Massamba-Debat succeeded Youlou, and was instrumental in establishing positive relationships with the Soviet Union, Korea, China and Congo-Leopoldville. Massamba-Debat promoted a strategy of 'scientific socialism'. Massamba-Debat sought to solidify his rule through the creation of popular militia units, sparking a failed coup attempt by junior officers. Nevertheless, he was overthrown in 1968 by more radical leftists in his government. These leftists, strongly internationalist in ideology, invited the annexation of their country to Congo-Leopoldville and held demonstrations in admiration of Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba and his parliament agreed, placing Congo-Brazzaville under a provisional government to oversee the territory's integration into the rest of the country. The annexation also provided a strong boost to Lumumba's political power, appeasing ABAKO by reintegrating a large Bakongo population into the country, as well as being to the delight of the PSA, who now had access to a large source of support in the Congo-Brazzaville labour movement.[108]
===
[106] Readers may recall that earlier in this TL, Belgium dissolved over the 'Royal Question'. Wallonia became part of France, and Belgian mining interests therefore become French mining interests.
[107] This is a major divergence from OTL, in that it prevent Mobutu from coming to power.
[108] Obviously this annexation never took place. IOTL by the time Congo-Brazzaville went red, Congo-Leopoldville had become Zaire under Mobutu.
Attached is a map of Southern Africa during the period. Striped territories represent those occupied by South Africa (Bechuanaland, Swaziland and Basutoland). Bold borders represents alliance with South Africa (Portugal, Rhodesia-Nyasaland and Madagascar).
More great stuff! It's rare to find TLs that really cover the entire globe, and Stars and Sickles always does that well.
So intolerance of British South Africans seems to be increased ITTL, yes? Are their movements restricted like non-whites? If not, I wonder if we might see even more consolidation of the English-speaking community in the large cities, or perhaps Cape Town in particular.
That is too bad about Botswana, since it's really managed to maintain an impressive degree of stability IOTL.
What's France doing in Rwanda/Burundi?
What do you think TTL has done to West African politics? France is much harsher, Britain appears weaker. It's still a long shot I suppose, but what are the prospects for something like the Union of African States and the development of Pan-Africanism? There are numerous opportunities to expand it beyond OTL's participants. Promoting a Pan-Africanist state could be a very interesting and unique opportunity for Yugoslavia to get involved in, considering the potential similarities: a multi-ethnic, "third-way" to socialism.
So intolerance of British South Africans seems to be increased ITTL, yes? Are their movements restricted like non-whites? If not, I wonder if we might see even more consolidation of the English-speaking community in the large cities, or perhaps Cape Town in particular.
That is too bad about Botswana, since it's really managed to maintain an impressive degree of stability IOTL.
What's France doing in Rwanda/Burundi?
What do you think TTL has done to West African politics? France is much harsher, Britain appears weaker. It's still a long shot I suppose, but what are the prospects for something like the Union of African States and the development of Pan-Africanism? There are numerous opportunities to expand it beyond OTL's participants. Promoting a Pan-Africanist state could be a very interesting and unique opportunity for Yugoslavia to get involved in, considering the potential similarities: a multi-ethnic, "third-way" to socialism.
There isn't significantly higher discrimination against the British people in South Africa ITTL. Whilst the Afrikaners historically were fairly hostile to the British, they didn't prevent them from having the privileges that Afrikaners were granted IOTL. So little has changed there.
Yeah Botswana didn't get off as easy here. It was really just a blatant land-grab by South Africa.
Burundi and Rwanda, like Congo, were put under UN administration after the dissolution of Belgium. So it is going to be slightly different. Whilst the French are more aggressive in their Francafrique policy, but I'm not yet sure whether or not that will extend to the Great Lakes countries ITTL.
It is unlikely for the Union of African States to work out, but in West Africa at least, I can't really give any over-arching statements, since in certain places it will be more stable and less-fractured, whilst in other places it will not be. Yugoslavia is definitely going to give at least moral support to many of the pan-Africanist political forces. To what extent they will be involved in active support is to be explored later
Jewish immigration to Israel is definitely going to be significantly more limited, as it doesn't really appeal to particularly pious Jews. It is going to be 'interesting' for those Jews that don't immigrate to Israel, and I'll be certain to write something expanding on their experiences at some point.
I really appreciate the interest, by the way! Hope you enjoy the next update
Hey there, just a question: will the Virgin Lands campaign succeed?
Really hope for an update on the Philippines and most of all, the Soviet Union itself.
Really hope for an update on the Philippines and most of all, the Soviet Union itself.
Hey there, just a question: will the Virgin Lands campaign succeed?
Really hope for an update on the Philippines and most of all, the Soviet Union itself.
Well I guess that kind of depends on what you consider to be success. In OTL, the Virgin Lands campaign was successful in that it increased grain yield quite significantly, and proved to be a net gain. Of course there was a negative ecological impact, but that was never much of a concern for the Soviets. There were also quite a few inefficiencies in the Virgin Lands campaign, primarily sending too many workers before sufficient housing was built and a lack of workers skilled in operating the machinery. This could be remedied, but ITTL won't be until the 1960s. There have been minimal changes to the Virgin Lands campaign in the 1950s ITTL. The main reason it's seen as a failure anyway is because the Soviet leadership stated that they would overtake US grain production with the campaign, which they did not.
IIRC there were significant infrastructure issues, particularly with regard to transporting the grain once harvested, and also problems with soil exhaustion
Oh definitely, but those are relatively easily-remedied. The core of the plan wasn't too bad. But it was somewhat like revving up a half-finished engine.
Wasn't Virgin Lands also strong associated with Lysenkoism? ISTR that part of it was trying to set up grain farms on the tundra with grain seeds which had been chilled, as this would allow them to adapt to the cold or some such.
Yes it did. Although the majority of the farms were on the steppe as opposed to tundra, there was still a rejection of genetics as a branch of science. Khrushchev considered himself an agricultural expert (which obviously wasn't the case) and was a strong proponent of Lysenkoism.
Thanks, a least I got more insight into the Virgin Lands campaign.
Really hope the Sino-Soviet Split doesn't occur. With China weaker ITTL, will it happen?
Really hope the Sino-Soviet Split doesn't occur. With China weaker ITTL, will it happen?
Well there is a Sino-Soviet Split (which I see as being basically impossible to prevent without an immortal Stalin
), but there will be a major twist later on in the TL regarding that.
Chapter 32: Of Rifles and Hornbills: The North Kalimantan Liberation Struggle (Until 1970)
Of Rifles and Hornbills: The North Kalimantan Liberation Struggle
As part of the wider trend of decolonisation in the post-war era, Britain began to devolve authority to local powers in their South-East Asian colonies. 1957 saw independence granted to the Federation of Malaya, which was intended to form the nucleus of a later state of Malaysia, which would merge Malaya with the North Borneo colonies and Singapore.
The flag of Malaya[109]
In North Borneo, there was significant opposition to the Malaysia plan, prompting the establishment of a number of anti-British organisations, most notably the Partai Rakyat Brunei (People's Party of Brunei, PRB) and the Sarawak Liberation League (SLL). Many of these parties were intrinsically tied to communist movements within Malaya, including the Communist Party of Malaya itself, who had unsuccessfully waged a twelve-year insurgency, led by Chin Peng, against British and Commonwealth forces. The PRB was founded on January 22nd, 1956. On August 20th, 1962, in Brunei's first-ever general election for district councillors, the PRB won total control of Brunei's 55 seats. Despite overwhelming popular support for the party, the British ignored the mandate given to the party, leading them to believe that the only remaining course of action would be armed revolution.
The PRB had maintained contact with the SLL, and met with brothers Wen and Lui How Ming, prominents within the SLL, about the possibility of a united revolt against the colonisers. Whilst both were in agreement about the necessity of armed uprising and their perception of Malaysia as a neo-colonialist plot to insert Peninsular Malays as a 'middleman of exploitation', the brothers insisted that the PRB defer the uprising[110]. As it turned out, the SLL had built a number of contacts, especially in Indonesia and amongst the Chinese population of Sarawak. The Indonesian government put it's support behind these dissident groups, including arming and training members of the SLL in West Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo. By the end of 1965, 500 or so Sarawakians had been trained in West Kalimantan.
In 1963, Malaya was united with the other territories to form Malaysia. This was met with outrage in both North Borneo and Indonesia. Demonstrations by the Partai Komunis Indonesia (Communist Party of Indonesia, PKI) in Jakarta escalated to vandalism, with the British embassy burnt to the ground. In the following months, the North Kalimantan National Liberation League (NKNLL) was founded, with the explicit aim of undermining Malaysia and establishing an independent state in North Borneo/North Kalimantan. The NKNLL itself was a merger of the SLL and PRB, as well as the newly-formed Sarawak Advanced Youth's Association (SAYA), affiliated with the SLL and founded by Ang Chu Ting, a founding member of the SLL. By this time, the various rebellious groups were numerically formidable: SLL and SAYA membership was approximately 3,000, whilst the NKNLL and Sarawak Farmer's Association (SFA) would peak during the fighting with more than 30,000 members. Affiliated trade unions numbered another 10,000 in the towns.
Two fighting forces were formed in order to operate against the Malaysian and Commonwealth forces, the Sarawak People's Guerrilla Force (SPGF) which was led by Bong Kee Chok and Wen Ming Chyuan and set to operate in the western part of Sarawak; and the North Kalimantan People's Army (NKPA) which was also formed by Bong, but led by Yang Chu Chung and fought the liberation struggle in the eastern half of Sarawak.
When fighting broke out in September 1965 after an NKPA attack on a police station on the outskirts of Miri, a North Kalimantan government-in-exile had already been established in Jakarta. Presided over by A.M. Azahari, the leader of the PRB, it also included Wen How Ming as Internal Affairs Secretary, Yap Choon Hau as Publicity Secretary and Lay Choon as Financial Secretary. The government-in-exile procured significant quantities of arms and ammunition from China (mainly through SLL members who had also been members of the defunct Progressive Overseas Chinese Youth Society) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
The NKPA and SPGF forces quickly seized control of the majority of the countryside, with their strongest support among the Bruneians, Chinese and Moro communities. Although the Dayaks initially supported the Malaysian government, they turned to the leftist forces by 1967, after a number of Malaysian airstrikes using Napalm B targeting SPGF guerrillas burnt a number of Dayak villages, killing great numbers of Dayaks. The Malaysian government refused to take responsibility for the attacks, infuriating even more the fierce headhunting tribes of interior North Borneo [111].
NKPA troops standing next to a burnt building in a Dayak village, Sabah.
Liu Wang felt a tingling in his spine as he peeked through the bush and sighted the guard post. The troops guarding it weren't Malayan. They were gwai lo. Either British, New Zealand, or Australian. Not that it really made all that much of a difference to Liu, or any of the other men, for that matter. He could see four of them: one on the guard tower's machine gun, one strolling around with a cigarette and another two playing cards on a picnic table at ground level. There would surely be more men in the adjacent barracks building. "Wait" his commanding officer said. "Remember men, for the most devastating effect, we must wait for the Dayaks". As if on cue, rustling began in the forests on the other side of the guard post. One of the soldiers cried noticed and sounded the alarm. Liu's CO barked "okay, fire!". Liu Wang shouldered his rifle, an old M1 Garand that had been given to the SPGF by the Chinese. He fired off three rounds, all of which narrowly missed the two men that had been playing cards. Fuck. Liu had never been in combat before. No-one had even fired back and he already felt nervy as hell. He fired off another four shots at the soldier on the machine gun. They also missed. The soldier ducked as shots whistled past around him. He turned the machine gun towards the foliage where Liu and his comrades were hiding. Liu lined up the soldier in his sights. He fired the eighth shot in his magazine, marked by a ping as the empty magazine auto-ejected. This shot skimmed off of the side of the soldier's helmet. Liu couldn't believe it. He could never catch a break. He was always the goofy one of his family. But before his thoughts could drift off, the machine gunner lit up the forest with .30 cal rounds. Liu and his comrades dived behind solid trees as the bullets tore up the jungle around them. Now the Dayaks struck. They charged out of the trees on the western side of the guard post, shrieking and hollering. The machine gunner turned his gun on them, mowing down several of the headhunters. But soon they were directly below the tower. One of the headhunters threw a grenade up onto the tower, which tossed the soldier limp into the bushes as it detonated. They started slaughtering the soldiers. Those unfortunate to be outside were doomed. One of the soldiers had first his arm, then his head chopped off by a Dayak mandau [112]. The Dayaks threw more grenades into the barracks, then stormed the buildings. "There's no more need to be here", Liu's commanding officer said in an almost detached manner. "Let's go".
By 1969, the insurgent forces had gained strength vis-a-vis the Malaysian and Commonwealth forces opposing them. The Malayans had been bled dry by assaulting tunnel complexes that had been built in the countryside by the SPGF and NKPA with the assistance of Korean advisors. These tunnels had even been extended underneath the outer perimeter of the Malaysian defences, leading just outside some of the major cities. On August 6, 1969, the SPGF and NKPA together mounted a major offensive which managed to seized Bandar Seri Begawan, Jesselton and after heavy fighting, Kuching. In effect, this ousted Malaysian and Commonwealth forces from the country. Most of the Commonwealth forces were in the countryside at the time, and were captured and held as hostages by the NKNLL. After several rounds of negotiations with Malaysia and Britain, as well as in debates within the United Nations, North Kalimantan was granted independence under the previously Jakarta-based government-in-exile. Malaysia, which had already ejected Singapore in 1965 as a result of racial tension between Malays and ethnic Chinese, reverted back to the name of Malaya, and remained strongly allied with the United Kingdom and other rightist states in the region. The Commonwealth hostages were repatriated to their home countries.
===
[109] Note the number of points on the star reflecting the eleven provinces of Malaya.
[110] IOTL, the PRB did not heed this advice, although they do ITTL.
[111] IOTL, the Dayaks actually ended up taking action against the Communists of Chinese origin in North Borneo, after encouragement from the Suharto government in Indonesia, which does not come to power ITTL.
[112] A traditional Dayak headhunting sword.
As part of the wider trend of decolonisation in the post-war era, Britain began to devolve authority to local powers in their South-East Asian colonies. 1957 saw independence granted to the Federation of Malaya, which was intended to form the nucleus of a later state of Malaysia, which would merge Malaya with the North Borneo colonies and Singapore.
The flag of Malaya[109]
In North Borneo, there was significant opposition to the Malaysia plan, prompting the establishment of a number of anti-British organisations, most notably the Partai Rakyat Brunei (People's Party of Brunei, PRB) and the Sarawak Liberation League (SLL). Many of these parties were intrinsically tied to communist movements within Malaya, including the Communist Party of Malaya itself, who had unsuccessfully waged a twelve-year insurgency, led by Chin Peng, against British and Commonwealth forces. The PRB was founded on January 22nd, 1956. On August 20th, 1962, in Brunei's first-ever general election for district councillors, the PRB won total control of Brunei's 55 seats. Despite overwhelming popular support for the party, the British ignored the mandate given to the party, leading them to believe that the only remaining course of action would be armed revolution.
The PRB had maintained contact with the SLL, and met with brothers Wen and Lui How Ming, prominents within the SLL, about the possibility of a united revolt against the colonisers. Whilst both were in agreement about the necessity of armed uprising and their perception of Malaysia as a neo-colonialist plot to insert Peninsular Malays as a 'middleman of exploitation', the brothers insisted that the PRB defer the uprising[110]. As it turned out, the SLL had built a number of contacts, especially in Indonesia and amongst the Chinese population of Sarawak. The Indonesian government put it's support behind these dissident groups, including arming and training members of the SLL in West Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo. By the end of 1965, 500 or so Sarawakians had been trained in West Kalimantan.
In 1963, Malaya was united with the other territories to form Malaysia. This was met with outrage in both North Borneo and Indonesia. Demonstrations by the Partai Komunis Indonesia (Communist Party of Indonesia, PKI) in Jakarta escalated to vandalism, with the British embassy burnt to the ground. In the following months, the North Kalimantan National Liberation League (NKNLL) was founded, with the explicit aim of undermining Malaysia and establishing an independent state in North Borneo/North Kalimantan. The NKNLL itself was a merger of the SLL and PRB, as well as the newly-formed Sarawak Advanced Youth's Association (SAYA), affiliated with the SLL and founded by Ang Chu Ting, a founding member of the SLL. By this time, the various rebellious groups were numerically formidable: SLL and SAYA membership was approximately 3,000, whilst the NKNLL and Sarawak Farmer's Association (SFA) would peak during the fighting with more than 30,000 members. Affiliated trade unions numbered another 10,000 in the towns.
Two fighting forces were formed in order to operate against the Malaysian and Commonwealth forces, the Sarawak People's Guerrilla Force (SPGF) which was led by Bong Kee Chok and Wen Ming Chyuan and set to operate in the western part of Sarawak; and the North Kalimantan People's Army (NKPA) which was also formed by Bong, but led by Yang Chu Chung and fought the liberation struggle in the eastern half of Sarawak.
When fighting broke out in September 1965 after an NKPA attack on a police station on the outskirts of Miri, a North Kalimantan government-in-exile had already been established in Jakarta. Presided over by A.M. Azahari, the leader of the PRB, it also included Wen How Ming as Internal Affairs Secretary, Yap Choon Hau as Publicity Secretary and Lay Choon as Financial Secretary. The government-in-exile procured significant quantities of arms and ammunition from China (mainly through SLL members who had also been members of the defunct Progressive Overseas Chinese Youth Society) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
The NKPA and SPGF forces quickly seized control of the majority of the countryside, with their strongest support among the Bruneians, Chinese and Moro communities. Although the Dayaks initially supported the Malaysian government, they turned to the leftist forces by 1967, after a number of Malaysian airstrikes using Napalm B targeting SPGF guerrillas burnt a number of Dayak villages, killing great numbers of Dayaks. The Malaysian government refused to take responsibility for the attacks, infuriating even more the fierce headhunting tribes of interior North Borneo [111].
NKPA troops standing next to a burnt building in a Dayak village, Sabah.
Liu Wang felt a tingling in his spine as he peeked through the bush and sighted the guard post. The troops guarding it weren't Malayan. They were gwai lo. Either British, New Zealand, or Australian. Not that it really made all that much of a difference to Liu, or any of the other men, for that matter. He could see four of them: one on the guard tower's machine gun, one strolling around with a cigarette and another two playing cards on a picnic table at ground level. There would surely be more men in the adjacent barracks building. "Wait" his commanding officer said. "Remember men, for the most devastating effect, we must wait for the Dayaks". As if on cue, rustling began in the forests on the other side of the guard post. One of the soldiers cried noticed and sounded the alarm. Liu's CO barked "okay, fire!". Liu Wang shouldered his rifle, an old M1 Garand that had been given to the SPGF by the Chinese. He fired off three rounds, all of which narrowly missed the two men that had been playing cards. Fuck. Liu had never been in combat before. No-one had even fired back and he already felt nervy as hell. He fired off another four shots at the soldier on the machine gun. They also missed. The soldier ducked as shots whistled past around him. He turned the machine gun towards the foliage where Liu and his comrades were hiding. Liu lined up the soldier in his sights. He fired the eighth shot in his magazine, marked by a ping as the empty magazine auto-ejected. This shot skimmed off of the side of the soldier's helmet. Liu couldn't believe it. He could never catch a break. He was always the goofy one of his family. But before his thoughts could drift off, the machine gunner lit up the forest with .30 cal rounds. Liu and his comrades dived behind solid trees as the bullets tore up the jungle around them. Now the Dayaks struck. They charged out of the trees on the western side of the guard post, shrieking and hollering. The machine gunner turned his gun on them, mowing down several of the headhunters. But soon they were directly below the tower. One of the headhunters threw a grenade up onto the tower, which tossed the soldier limp into the bushes as it detonated. They started slaughtering the soldiers. Those unfortunate to be outside were doomed. One of the soldiers had first his arm, then his head chopped off by a Dayak mandau [112]. The Dayaks threw more grenades into the barracks, then stormed the buildings. "There's no more need to be here", Liu's commanding officer said in an almost detached manner. "Let's go".
By 1969, the insurgent forces had gained strength vis-a-vis the Malaysian and Commonwealth forces opposing them. The Malayans had been bled dry by assaulting tunnel complexes that had been built in the countryside by the SPGF and NKPA with the assistance of Korean advisors. These tunnels had even been extended underneath the outer perimeter of the Malaysian defences, leading just outside some of the major cities. On August 6, 1969, the SPGF and NKPA together mounted a major offensive which managed to seized Bandar Seri Begawan, Jesselton and after heavy fighting, Kuching. In effect, this ousted Malaysian and Commonwealth forces from the country. Most of the Commonwealth forces were in the countryside at the time, and were captured and held as hostages by the NKNLL. After several rounds of negotiations with Malaysia and Britain, as well as in debates within the United Nations, North Kalimantan was granted independence under the previously Jakarta-based government-in-exile. Malaysia, which had already ejected Singapore in 1965 as a result of racial tension between Malays and ethnic Chinese, reverted back to the name of Malaya, and remained strongly allied with the United Kingdom and other rightist states in the region. The Commonwealth hostages were repatriated to their home countries.
===
[109] Note the number of points on the star reflecting the eleven provinces of Malaya.
[110] IOTL, the PRB did not heed this advice, although they do ITTL.
[111] IOTL, the Dayaks actually ended up taking action against the Communists of Chinese origin in North Borneo, after encouragement from the Suharto government in Indonesia, which does not come to power ITTL.
[112] A traditional Dayak headhunting sword.
Last edited: