CHAPTER 1, Part 1: Rotten Apple
So, after some time lurking and posting in chat, I finally decided to post a TL! Wish me luck!

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Chapter 1: Decay and Fall

Part 1: Rotten Apple

When we think of the 1980s, we think of change and turmoil. Nothing was safe from it. Technology, culture, economics and politics. Not even the seemingly impenetrable Iron Curtain could contain it. As such, it is very safe to say that Latin America too was caught in the tide.

Brazil was no exception.

Since 1964, the country was ruled by a military dictatorship, where the people were unable to elect their own presidents, governors, or capital mayors. The best they could do was voting for deputies and senators, who could belong to only two parties, the ARENA (government) and MDB (the "opposition"). And, thanks to the 1977 Pacote de Abril (Abril Package), the president, a general elected by Congress, could appoint one third of the Senate, effectively ensuring an ARENA majority in the upper house.

It used to be even worse.

With the Institutional Act Number 5 (AI-5), written in 1968, the president could effectively shut down Congress and rule by decree for as long as he wanted. Dissent was repressed with unsurprising savagery, with police brutality, torture and exile being the law of the land. But said law was abolished in 1978, not long after the imposition of the April Package. The brutality of the "Anos de Chumbo" of president Emílio Médici was replaced by the "slow, safe and gradual opening" of Ernesto Geisel, his successor.


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Médici handing over the presidency to Geisel.

The government was becoming unpopular. Its economic policy consisted of borrowing huge amounts of money from the IMF to finance hugely expensive public infrastructure works gave the country a GDP growth rate that was as high as 14% in 1973. It also had the effect of creating huge amonts of debt, and, after the 1973 oil shock, this growth rate beagan to recede. These policies affected the lives of millions of ordinary brazilians, and many found that, after a few initial years of euphoria, their lives were actually changing for the worse. The slow democratization allowed these very same people to speak their mind more freely, and, eventually, openly demonstrate against the government.

In 1978, Geisel was succeded by João Figueiredo, a fellow supporter of liberalization. By then the economy moved closer and closer to a recession. Under immense pressure, he signed a law that gave amnesty to every opponent of the government, from guerrillas in the late 60s and early 70s, all sorts of artists, and politicians who were forced into either and early retirement or exile thanks to the 1964 coup d'etat. It also amnestied the torturers, shielding them from responding to their crimes. The dictatorship's days were numbered from the moment the law was signed.
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The triumphant return of Miguel Arraes, former governor of Pernambuco, from exile.

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So far, it's all OTL.
 
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Part 2: Strike!
Alright, my second update is here. Sorry if the title looks cringy or something, I couldn't think of a better name.

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Part 2: Strike!

As said before, the country was slowly becoming more democratic. There was, however, one important right that was still out of reach: the right for workers to strike, which was effectively forbidden since 1964. The easing of repression, combined with the predictable outrage that followed repeated wage squeezes, thanks to the worsening economic situation, finally emboldened enough workers in the state of São Paulo, the wealthiest and most industrialized in the country, to strike.

It all began in 1978, with a series of spontaneous work stoppages in the region known as the ABC (the cities of Santo André, São Bernardo and São Caetano), then the center of the country's automobile industry. These stoppages evolved, in march 1979, into a gigantic general strike, one in which more than two hundred thousand ironworkers participated, demanding a wage readjustment of 78.1%. Their most proeminent voice was a man named Luiz Inácio da Silva (1), a charismatic orator who, born in the town of Garanhuns, Pernambuco, migrated to the state of São Paulo in 1952, when he was seven years old.

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Luiz Inácio about to speak to thousands of striking workers in São Bernardo.

Thanks to the decrease of censorship by the government, the press was allowed to report the strike, which were immediately supported by several sectors of civil society. The workers counted on the support of parts of the Catholic Church, artists, intellectuals, and MDB politicians. President Figueiredo quickly tried to suppress the movement, and Inácio was arrested, but, since the strike was too big to be contained, the government was forced to negotiate with the striking ironworkers. Inácio was released, and the labourers were given a 63% pay raise. While not entirely successful in achieving its objectives, the strike gave the workers their greatest wage readjustment of that period, and humiliated the ailing dictatorship, showing to the country that it wasn't invincible.

(1) Best known by his nickname, Lula.

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All as OTL.
 
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My apologies for the rather unusual time in which I finished writing this. See you guys and gals tomorrow (actually, later in the day, since it's 2:00 AM here...) for more!

Comments, responses and constructive criticism are all appreciated.
 
My apologies for the rather unusual time in which I finished writing this. See you guys and gals tomorrow (actually, later in the day, since it's 2:00 AM here...) for more!

Comments, responses and constructive criticism are all appreciated.
I like this very much
80's south america (or south america in general) is criminally underrepresented here.
I really want to see where are you taking this to! (Brizolawank? Don't mind if i do)
 
Part 3: Who doesn't like a good Party?
The plot thickens...

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Part 3: Who doesn't like a good party?

After the ABC strike, and the Amnesty Law of august 28th, another great change in the brazilian political system ocurred, with the abolition of both ARENA and MDB in december 20th. Now, new parties would have to be founded, ones which would count with many old and new characters. For the arenistas, this was an easy task: Nearly all of them became members of a new party, called PDS (Democratic Social Party). But if said reform did not weaken the government, the same couldn't be said of the opposition, many members of which founded their own parties soon after the end of MDB.

Most emedebistas stayed together, hoping to prevent the opposition from fighting each other. Instead of founding an entirely new party, they simply slapped a P to their front's old name, creating the PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party). Led by the legendary deputy Ulysses Guimarães, and other such figures as Franco Montoro and Mário Covas, among others, they quickly became the largest and most powerful opposition party.

Some of the more conservative members of MDB, such as Minas Gerais senator Tancredo Neves and Rio de Janeiro governor Chagas Freitas (1), founded the PP (People's Party), along with some former arenistas. However, the party did not last long, and its members voted in favor of joining forces with PMDB. Said party became a very broad church, united by their dislike of the dictatorship.

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Left to right: Tancredo Neves, Ulysses Guimarães, and São Paulo senator Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

The biggest novelty, by far, was the Worker's Party (PT). It was mostly led by union leaders who earned their stripes in the strikes of 1978-80. Such leaders included Olívio Dutra (bank worker)(2), Jacó Bittar (oil worker) and, of course, Lula (ironworker), who became its first president without much difficulty. It also counted with the support of intellectuals such as historian Sérgio Buarque, artists such as musician Francisco Buarque (Sérgio's son) and a few incumbent politicians here and there, such as emedebista São Paulo state assemblyman Eduardo Suplicy(3). It was, as its name and red star suggested, a left-wing party, who hoped to win elections through sheer grassroots power.

And, finally, there was PTB (Brazilian Labour Party). Originally founded in 1945 by then president Getúlio Vargas, it was the single largest left wing party in the period before the 1964 coup d'etat. Soon after, it was forcibly dissolved, with most of its proeminent members, such as former Rio Grande do Sul governor Leonel Brizola, either retiring against their will or going into exile. Now, after returning to his homeland, Brizola immediately attempted to rebuild it.However, he had one significant roadblock: former deputy Ivete Vargas, Getúlio's granddaughter, also wanted the valuable three letters to herself.

Thus began a long judicial battle between the two politicians. Ivete had one crucial advantage: she was close to the government, and, especially, to its chief minister, general Golbery do Couto e Silva, a cunning individual who became known as the "dictatorship's wizard (bruxo da ditadura)". It was easy to see who had the advantage, and who could afford to fight dirty. But Brizola wasn't stupid, either. Not everyone gets to become governor of a state with just thirty-six years of age, after all. Still, if one was to look at the dispute from the outside, one could easily see that Golbery had the advantage.

Finally, the decision was made. And the TSE (Superior Electoral Court) awarded PTB to... Leonel Brizola. Somehow, the "Old Caudillo", as he was called, defeated the wizard (4). With complete control over the party of the Father of the Poor (5), Brizola had no problem reasserting his place as one of Brazil's most important left-wing politicians. Most former petebistas, such as former Rio de Janeiro senator Aarão Steinbruch, rallied under his flag, together with people such as anthropologist and former education minister Darcy Ribeiro, incumbent RJ senator Saturnino Braga, anti-racism campaigners such as Abdias Nascimento and Carlos Alberto de Oliveira (best known as Caó), and others (6). Ivete Vargas was forced to found a new party from scratch, called the Democratic Party (PD), which quickly ceased to exist after her cancer-caused death in 1984 (7).

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Translation to very clear English: "He won it."

Democracy was finally returning. But not everybody was happy about it.
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Notes:

(1) IOTL, Chagas Freitas was so conservative that he had many enemies inside MDB. When he left PP to join PMDB, then senator Saturnino Braga left the party, and became an ally of Brizola.

(2) IOTL, Olívio Dutra was elected mayor of Porto Alegre in 1988, and instituted the first ever participatory budgeting system. It became so popular that PT ran the city until 2004, winning four consecutive elections.

(3) Ironically for a member of PT, he's a rather wealthy man, as evidenced by his middle name being Matarazzo. Hopefully, he'll be elected senator this year.

(4) And here's our first POD! IOTL, Golbery defeated Brizola, and the PTB became a shadow of its former self, a soulless husk with an endless appetite for corruption. Here, that doesn't happen, and Brizola has more prestige in the brazilian left as a whole.

(5) Getúlio Vargas.

(6) Among these "others" was an unknown economist and former guerrilla fighter named Dilma Vana Rousseff.

(7) Brizola and Ivete's fates were reversed. IOTL, Leonel was the one who was forced to build a new party from scratch, the PDT (Democratic Labour Party), which was often seen a vehicle for him to get the presidency, rather than an actual party.
 
And here we go! The story begins to get a little hotter, as we get our first POD!

As always, comments and constructive criticism are appreciated.
 
Part 4: The Crashers
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Part 4: The Crashers

Now that freedom of the press was almost guarenteed, and the old bipartisan order was shattered, the focus was now on the 1982 elections. They were very special, since it would be the first time that, not only there would be new deputies and senators from several parties, but it would the first time since 1965 that governors would be directly elected by the population. Before that, they were elected by the state assemblies, ensuring that they were all ARENA members. The only exception was Chagas Freitas, of course, who was an arenista in all but name. People were especially anxious to see what former exiles or "retirees" such Miguel Arraes, Brizola, Mário Covas, Steinbruch, and others, would do.

Still, there was a part of the army who was not happy with these developments. These hardliners were once able to get two presidents "elected" (Costa e Silva and Médici), and were completely opposed to any kind of liberalization. Médici himself openly criticized Geisel, and later Figueiredo and their policies, saying that the opening was "premature". That was all they could do, since they had little to no political influence left, particularly after general Sylvio Frota's rather dramatic dismissal from the Army ministry. Others belived they could do one last, desperate way to stop the death of the dictatorship: Terrorist attacks.

Newspaper stands that dared to sell opposition newspapers were set ablaze. Bombs were detonated on several places, killing innocent people, in an attempt to pressure the government and terrify the opposition. In August 27, 1980, a letter bomb exploded inside the OAB (Brazil Lawyers Order) headquarters, killing its president's secretary. Another bomb mutilated a Rio de Janeiro City Council worker.

Finally, the hardliners decided they were going to make a really scary and bloody attack, one that would shock the entire country to its core. It was scheduled to happen in April 30, 1981, on the Riocentro Pavilion. There, two officers, a sergeant and a captain, rigged a car with explosives that would be detonated in the middle of a show commemorating Worker's Day. This attack, which would quite possibly be the bloodiest in the history of Brazil, was fortunately averted because one of the bombs exploded on the sergeant's lap, killing him instantly and gravely injuring the captain, wrecking the car where they were inside.

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The car in which the bombs exploded. One can see the sergeant's corpse inside it.

The reaction to the attack changed from horror to immediate indignation, as it became clear to everyone that a part of the army was behind all the explosions and arson. However, no one, not even the captain involved, who survived the blast, was even investigated, and the case was archived. The sergeant was buried with full military honors, and the whole Riocentro affair was called an act commited by "a left-wing terrorist (read: guerrilla) group". Which didn't even exist anymore. Yes. Seriously. I wish I was joking.

This was so ridiculously, so insanely absurd that not only the general population, but also several officers, were outraged. Golbery do Couto e Silva, yes, the wizard himself, resigned from the chief ministry. Whatever power president Figueiredo had left to influence the democratization process was now entirely lost. He was now merely a spectator, rather than an actor, in the grand spectacle of brazilian politics.

He, by now, was thorougly convinced his position couldn't get any worse. That he was already at the bottom of the well. Oh boy, he was so, so wrong...


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This is all OTL. Yes, even the ridiculous attempt to blame a leftist guerrilla group that didn't exist enymore.
 
Fresh new update!
EDIT: If I'm lucky, I might post a second update today. This future update will contain the second, and major, POD of this story. Brizola's victory and control of PTB was the minor POD.
 
The whole attempt to blame a left-wing terrorist group sounds like something out of a Benny Hill skit. Seriously...

Waiting for more, and hope Brazil comes out better at the end of this...
 
The whole attempt to blame a left-wing terrorist group sounds like something out of a Benny Hill skit. Seriously...

Waiting for more, and hope Brazil comes out better at the end of this...
Don't forget that all such left-wing groups didn't even exist anymore by then. They were all rather gruesomely dismantled through torture and executions during the Médici presidency.
 
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